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The ongoing conflict in West Asia has exposed Asia’s heavy dependence on Gulf energy supplies. This has heightened vulnerabilities for major Asian economies, including India and South Korea, which together import a significant portion of their crude oil from the region.
India and South Korea established diplomatic relations in 1973. In 2015, it was upgraded to a ‘Special Strategic Partnership.'
Bilateral trade has grown in recent years, reaching around USD 25 billion, with Korean investments in India focusing on automobiles, electronics, steel, and manufacturing. Major Korean companies such as Samsung, Hyundai, LG, and POSCO hav a strong presence in India.
The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) signed in 2010 has been a key driver, though both sides are negotiating upgrades to cover new areas like semiconductors, shipbuilding, and clean energy.
Defense cooperation has also progressed, notably through the supply and joint production of the K9 Vajra howitzers. However, the relationship has largely remained commerce-driven, lacking robust political and security architecture.
Asia’s economic rise has long been celebrated, but the current West Asian crisis has revealed a critical structural weakness: heavy reliance on Gulf energy. Nearly 70% of Asia’s crude oil imports pass through the Strait of Hormuz, which handles one-fifth of globally traded oil. Countries like China, India, Japan, South Korea, and Southeast Asian nations are particularly exposed.
Iran’s actions in the region have raised concerns over freedom of navigation and energy security. Asian states broadly support principles enshrined in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), emphasising unimpeded transit passage as a right, not a privilege granted by coastal states.
While the United States has historically provided naval primacy in securing these sea lanes, a more transactional American approach has prompted Asian capitals to seek greater self-reliance and intra-Asian cooperation. This crisis has sharpened the sense of vulnerability and created space for new coalitions focused on maritime security and diversified energy routes.
Both India and South Korea face shared challenges from disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz.
For India, the Indian Ocean position offers strategic leverage, while South Korea brings advanced naval technology, shipbuilding expertise, and leadership in nuclear energy (including small modular reactors). The synergy remains underdeveloped despite natural complementarities.
The Gulf crisis presents a strategic opening to inject real political content into India-ROK ties. Key areas include:
South Korean President Lee Jae-myung’s visit and upcoming BRICS-related engagements in Delhi offer diplomatic momentum to advance these agendas.
To build a stronger bridge:
The West Asian crisis has exposed the fragility of Asia’s energy-dependent growth model and the limitations of outsourcing maritime security. For India and South Korea, it is an opportunity to transform a largely commercial partnership into a substantive strategic entente. By focusing on maritime security, energy resilience, and defence-industrial collaboration, Delhi and Seoul can contribute to a more stable Indo-Pacific while advancing their own economic and security interests.
Source: Indian Express
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PRACTICE QUESTION Q. “The ongoing West Asian crisis highlights the need for greater intra-Asian cooperation on energy and maritime security.” In this context, examine the potential for elevating India-South Korea relations beyond commerce. (250 words) |
Bilateral trade stands at approximately USD 25 billion in recent years, with India exporting items like petroleum products, aluminum, and cereals while importing automobiles, electronics, and machinery from South Korea.
It is a chokepoint for nearly 70% of Asia’s crude oil imports. Disruptions directly threaten energy security and economic stability for both nations.
Maritime security, shipbuilding, defence industry, semiconductors, small modular reactors, clean energy, and participation in Gulf infrastructure projects.
It supports functional cooperation on freedom of navigation and contributes to a more self-reliant Asian security framework.
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