Context:

The decision to include caste enumeration in India's next national census represents a potentially momentous milestone. However, it raises concerns about intent, policy delays, and genuine commitment to social justice.

What is the Caste Census?

A caste census is the process of gathering data on citizens' caste identities during population enumeration.
The last caste-based census was conducted in 1931 during British administration.
The forthcoming Census will be digitized and divided into two phases, with caste data collecting planned for the second phase.
To eliminate data duplication and inconsistencies, the Census will use a mobile application with a caste directory that drops down.
Currently, the Central list includes around 2,650 OBC groups, 1,170 in the SC category, and 890 in the ST category.
The state governments keep their own lists of OBC groupings.
The caste census will be combined with the 2021 census.
A pre-test of the new software and data collection mechanism will be performed to verify precision and efficiency.
Approximately 30 lakh officials will have to be retrained for the digital caste enumeration process.

What is the census?

The Census is a decennial national population census that collects demographic, economic, and social information.It has been done on a regular basis since 1872, when the first comprehensive census was held under British control.After independence, it is carried out by the Registrar General of India under the Census Act of 1948.The Indian government has conducted 15 censuses since independence, the most recent being in 2011.The Census, originally slated for 2021, was postponed owing to the COVID-19 pandemic and has yet to be conducted.Since 1951, all censuses have been conducted in accordance with the Census of India Act of 1948.Census is a Union subject (entry 69 of the Union List under Schedule VII) under Article 246 of the Constitution.

Case for a Caste Census and Limits of Data-Driven Justice

Case for Caste Census

Caste Census Importance: A caste census collects empirical data to help understand the socioeconomic status of caste groups, notably OBCs.
Affirmative Action Design: Assists in the design of focused affirmative action programs and provides credibility to welfare measures before the courts.
Intra-OBC Disparities: Can reveal intra-OBC differences, helpful in developing policies for Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs).

Limitations of Census-Based Policy Making

Risk of Political Misuse: Overreliance on the Census risks utilizing it as a political tool rather than a data collection mechanism.
The Registrar General's role is to deliver neutral facts and not influence policy formulation.
Politicization of the Census: The politicization of the Census poses risks to its operations in an already polarized political atmosphere.

The History of Indian Caste-Based Data Collection:

Origins and Early Background	- Caste system over 2,000 years old, rooted in Hindu varna categories: Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, Shudras, and Dalits (formerly “untouchables”). - Determined occupation, status, purity, and access to resources. - Reinforced via endogamy, taboos, and segregation.
British Era and Caste Enumeration	- First attempt: 1871–72 Census. - Subsequent censuses (1881 to 1931) included caste enumeration. - 1901 Census: Led by Herbert Risley, classified by caste and race, institutionalizing caste in records. - 1931 Census: Last full caste census (all jatis).
Post-Independence Shift	- Post-1947 Policy: Dropped caste enumeration in general census. - Aimed to promote unity and avoid caste-based divisions. - From 1951 onwards: Only SCs and STs were officially counted. - OBCs excluded from regular census data.
Mandal Commission (1979–80)	- Used 1931 Census to estimate OBCs at ~52% of the population. - Recommended 27% reservation for OBCs in central jobs and education. - Cited lack of updated caste data as a limitation for evidence-based policy.
Demand for Caste Census	- Political Advocacy: Parties like RJD, SP, DMK, JDU, and later Congress, pushed for updated caste data. - Institutional Support: National Commission for Backward Classes (since 2021) urged inclusion of OBC data. - Judicial Context: Petitions pending before Supreme Court.
Judicial Developments	- Indra Sawhney Judgment (1992): Supreme Court recommended periodic caste census. - 2024 Ruling: Supreme Court refused to compel Centre, called it a governance issue.
State-Level Initiatives	- States like Bihar, Karnataka, and Telangana conducted independent caste surveys. - Marked a shift toward decentralised caste data collection.
Recent Central Developments	- Central government indicated intent to include caste data in the next Census, responding to political and institutional pressures and aligning with state-level trends.

Why Is Caste Census Important?

Addressing Social Inequality:

Many Indians still discriminate based on caste. Caste censuses can identify disadvantaged populations and advance policymaking.
Caste distribution can be used to focus programs to reduce social inequality and empower neglected communities.

To distribute resources fairly:

It's hard to distribute resources fairly without reliable OBC and other population data.
A caste census can reveal caste groups' socioeconomic situations and needs.
It can help policymakers create inclusive development policies that meet each group's needs.
Assessing the effectiveness of affirmative action programs, such as reservations for OBCs and other groups, in fostering social fairness is a challenging task. However, without population data, assessing these programs' efficacy is difficult.
A caste census can help policymakers evaluate and modify such programs by tracking their effects.
Caste plays a significant role in Indian society, affecting social interactions, economic possibilities, and political dynamics.
A caste census can reveal India's diversity and caste relations.

Constitutional Duty:

Our Constitution supports caste censuses. Article 340 requires a panel to evaluate socially and educationally disadvantaged classes and recommend government actions.

Existing Data and Unfulfilled Promises

It is a fallacy to give the impression that the lack of a caste census has rendered the process of policy formulation ineffective. In point of fact, there is already a substantial amount of data on caste-based inequities.
In national censuses and supplementary surveys like the National Sample Survey and the National Family Health Survey, the number of people belonging to Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) has been routinely counted.
In addition, studies from the National Crime Records Bureau have shown that these groups face significant gaps in terms of education, employment, and safety.
Both the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) and the Bihar Caste Survey have shed additional light on the fragile economic situations and the internal variety that exists within the OBC category.
Nevertheless, revolutionary policy action, particularly for people from underrepresented groups, continues to elude us. Socially and economically disadvantaged people continue to have a disproportionately low level of representation in the private sector, the judiciary, the media, higher education, and the upper echelons of bureaucracy.
However, there has been no significant action taken to correct this underrepresentation, which highlights the disconnect between the availability of data and the political action that has been taken.

Neglect in Representation

Low Representation in Sectors: According to research, there is a low participation of OBC/SC/STs in corporate sectors, media, information technology, and state institutions.
Lack of Efforts to Improve Representation: Despite abundant data, no significant efforts have been taken to improve their representation in higher education, the judiciary, or government.

Data vs Political Will

Data as a Diagnostic Tool: Data is used to diagnose problems rather than to provide solutions.
Political will, mass mobilization, and democratic pressure, rather than facts or polls, drive effective public policy.

The Way Forward for Social Justice and Caste Census in India

A caste census can provide valuable data to deepen our understanding of social hierarchies and inform equitable policymaking. However, it is not a panacea for social justice challenges.
While data illuminates disparities, it cannot by itself rectify inequalities or social injustice. The effectiveness of data depends on the political will and democratic pressure from the populace.
Despite the availability of abundant empirical data, the central government has yet to initiate bold or transformative policy reforms, particularly at the national level for Other Backward Classes (OBCs).
There exists a policy vacuum regarding the welfare and empowerment of OBCs in key national frameworks.
Academic research and reports indicate that Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and OBCs have marginal representation in influential sectors of the private economy, including corporates, the IT industry, and media houses.
Despite this marginalization, there have been no substantial measures to increase their participation in these institutions of power and privilege.
Similarly, their participation remains low in state-run institutions, especially in higher education, judiciary, and top bureaucracy.
Available empirical evidence from various surveys, reports, and research shows that data alone does not drive public policy.
Instead, public policy is shaped by the intent and commitment of the governing class along with pressure from the democratic populace.
The caste census can provide a more detailed understanding of socio-economic disparities but cannot administer the cure for systemic issues.
The real test for the current national government is not just in collecting caste data, but in executing effective policy measures with courage and commitment for the welfare of the worst-off social groups.

Practice Question

Q. How can the government ensure that the data collected leads to more effective welfare policies for marginalized communities?

A Caste Census is not a Silver Bullet for Social Justice